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Page 1205 NEWS of the KNOWN WORLD
INCORPORATING THE RAGNAROK REPORTER.
Ete 30th 123
PONTUS.
Galatia.
On receipt of the news from Alansberg Ate gathered her Provincial Army and called for the Pontic 77th to join her.
“Stop mithering Macalix, you’re MY husband not some milksop of a relation; I know there’ll be trouble, that’s the whole point!”
“But darling, I’m trying to tell you that the 77th is in Corun and cannot join you without fighting their way past …”
“Oh, b*gg*r!”
So Ate set off after the Vikings with her army.
Corun, with a population of less than 5,000, is protected by an earth and timber stockade about ¾ of a mile long. The 77th army was based in adjacent camps on the banks of the Kimil river and in the old hill fort a few miles east of the town.
Betelbix and his 2,000 or so infantry moved into the town: the 6,000 cavalry under Cooprix and Chassenix withdrew up the valley.
The call to the Galatian levies had already gone out, the Hillmen to muster in Corun and those from the East Coast in Malatya, but in the event few apart from those living in the Corun and Malatya localities arrived in time to take any part in the fighting.
On the 2nd Thorsson and his Vikings were, perhaps to their surprise, refused entry to Corun and no market had been set up. A phlegmatic shrug and they continued on up the valley to find that Galatian cavalry started to harass them. The Vikings set up camp and tried to parley with the Galatians, but to no avail.
That night, after conferring with his captains Thorsson dicided to return to Corun with a few ladders and about half his force, leaving the rest to guard their camp. His veteran axemen attacked the east gate and adjacent stockade, his archers shooting in support.
In Corun there was panic and confusion: Betelbix rushed to the east gate with reinforcements but was killed leading a counter-attack against the scant half dozen or so axemen that had gained the parapet and his demoralised men and many citizens then fled, many fleeing the town through its western and southern gates.
The Vikings roused the citizens and rounded up all who had not fled in the market square … about 450 of Betelbix’ men, and 2,000 citizens: Evistix the local ruler had refused to leave his people and he and his family were amongst the captives.
At dawn on the 3rd Evistix was sent with an epistle message to the Galatians: “Having been attacked by the treacherous Anatolians we came amongst you peacefully hoping only to return to our own lands. We’ll now continue our journey taking these captives as hostages. If we are allowed to leave unhindered, they will be well treated and will be released when we reach the Firat river.”
Macalix in person replied: "I don't do deals with anyone who attacks my wife's people, takes Galatians hostage and then hides behind women and children."
Next day the Vikings continued their march eastwards with Betelbix’ men and the male citizens scattered around the periphery of the column along with the few Viking archers and the EHI: the women and children from Corun were carried in plain view on the wagons and carts.
Despite Macalix’ urging, the Galatian harassment was obviously inhibited by the danger of hitting their comrades; the Anatolians were careful but less inhibited. A nocturnal attack on the Viking camp was only tried once!
After ten days when the Vikings crossed the border into Iberia the harassment diminished; it ceased abruptly when they approached Sivas. Iberia may well be part of Pontus but the Iberians made it very plain that their old Galatian foes were not welcome. No, not at all.
Anatolian and Galatian losses were 31: Viking losses were a bit over 600: about 120 of Betelbix’ men, 140 Corun men, and 12 women were killed.
At Sivas the Galatian prisoners were released, even those who would have made good handcart maidens: the Corun townsfolk were each given a gold piece as compensation: Betelbix’ men were given nothing. After a rest to lick wounds and to buy supplies, all scrupulously paid for, the Vikings continued their march and are now at Zara. The Galatians and Anatolians are on their way back to Corun.
Anatolia. Before leaving Alansberg Ate sent word to her Uncle … as ever his words carry a wisdom and insight that astound her.
She also ordered the authorities in Alansberg to take all necessary steps to repair the damage done by her brother’s erstwhile allies … with friends like this who needs enemies!
Ate sent word to the Royal Guard recalling it to Anatolia but having crossed to Istanbul the messenger learned about recent events and returned to look for Ate. He finally caught up with her a couple of days ago … to his regret.
In Amasra Admiral Persil died on the 19th after a brief illness. It is thought that his death was due to entirely natural causes, though attempts have already been made to find a link to the recent demise of his son-in-law Kemal.
Shakbut bar Sahdi and his 2nd division had just crossed to Istanbul when an officer from Demetriaces’ court arrived and told them that they were to return to Nyfører in Achmenia. When the men were told this there was some grumbling, particularly amongst the Ishmaeli light cavalry: they are expected in Ordu in about a week.
Page 1206 THE EAST.
Ararat & Oz. It is worth noting that Ararat and the hills around the Lake of Oz are legally and historically part of Armenia and thus belong to Thorsson: Bold Cnut of course knows this. Kazgan is/was part of Georgia.
On the 9th Bold Cnut and his men reached Ararat. The promised supplies were not there and in a fit of pique Bold Cnut had the liaison officer flogged and then fed for some days on horse sh*t (“… but beautifully cooked!”).
The elderly Nabonides, Emir of the Arax and Bey of Ararat, thought it prudent to feed his unexpected and, truth to tell, unwelcome visitors: Cnut kept his men in order.
Hearing from Nabonides that there were troops up at the Lake of Oz Cnut decided to go and see who and why. Supplies were generously provided by Nabonides: they reached the lake on the 13th to find a couple of thousand of Skrapehake’s heavy infantry trying to build rafts to get to Wizard’s Isle. Most of the men are Jutes but with a couple of hundred Estonians: Cnut’s men are Pripyat Vikings.
Cnut asked why they were there, listened, and suggested that they should leave and they were all too ready to agree. Once they had left Cnut invited the castellan to discuss the situation and over several bottles and a few trout it was agreed that Cnut would take Hamarsen, Bey of Oz, an infant, back to his mother in Oz.
So down to Oz where they arrived hot on the heels of Skrapehake’s men. The Lady Haomoputri, Hamar’s widow, perforce agreed to invite Cnut (and a few of his larger men) to join her for a friendly discussion.
Skrapehake’s infantry and Laganides’ cavalry brigade have gone to Sevan where the supply situation is better: they have arranged for supplies to be sent up to Oz where Cnut and his men have been resting whilst enjoying the Lady Haomoputri’s (somewhat limited) hospitality.
Kazgan and the lower Arax valley. Rosanna with her beloved daughter and a handful of personal guards rode across to the Arax valley and crossed the river about half-way between Sevan and Shushu. At her request Hidy Harald, Skrapehake, and Laganides pulled back their men and an uneasy peace prevailed.
Rosanna then rode down the valley under a flag of truce and sought a meeting with Nestro’ai. On the 9th Nestro’ai and Rosanna greeted each other cautiously but after feasting and conferring for a couple of days reached agreement: they were joined by Darius bar Daraxes who, reluctantly, accepted their terms when Nestro’ai told him that otherwise he would throw in his lot with Nyfører.
Nestro’ai would continue to observe a truce and during this would ensure that all Daraxes’ men left Kazgan territory, defined as bounded by the Kura, the Arax, and the Oz hills. Darius would cede control of Kazgan to Nestro’ai and he and his men would leave Kazgan. It only remained to persuade Hidy Harald to accept the neutrality of Kazgan.
Hidy Harald and his advisers then joined this increasingly bizarre conference. His initial response was to reject the terms of the truce but both Laganides and Skrapehake told him that the alternative to Nestro’ai’s neutrality was defeat unless they were massively reinforced: so what if Nestro’ai gained Kazgan.
So Daraxes and Darius and their forces crossed the Kura to Shushu and Nyfører’s men and allies pulled back to Sevan.
The upper Arax valley. Nyfører’s biremes have reached the Arax and are now being reassembled. It is likely that they will reach Sevan in about a week.
Sinjar. Still rather truculently refused entry to the city, Boson’s and Tremuras’ men have been looting the surrounding lands.
Amol. The siege lines and artillery positions being considered adequate, Hyasaqyte moved his engines into position; 5 heavy siege engines, 2 lighter engines, and a number of bolt engines, all carefully guarded by Lief’s 112ers
On the morning of the 6th the heavy engines started to hurl great stones at Amol’s western wall, though with relatively little effect on the thick earthen walls, faced with a mixture of stone and timber.
On the 18th the wind was, uncharacteristically, from the southeast; about mid-morning as the wind freshened the bombardment ceased and Lief’s veterans moved forward with scaling ladders, some towards the town wall and others towards the stockade that guards the wharves and the landward side of the harbour area. The defenders were too few and just not good enough to hold Lief’s men and they soon realised this and surrendered. Losses were a few hundred on both sides.
Simultaneously a merchant ship had moved toward the entrance of the fortified harbour and explained to the handful of men on guard that they bore strong drinks and other luxuries, a gift to Polymetus from Nyfører.
The discussions stopped when it was realised that hundreds of Lief’s men were on the wharves: the merchant ship moved into the harbour, followed after half an hour or so by Hans Hansson with his remaining longships: he was delighted to find his great drekkar undamaged.
Once the harbour and town were secured, the food and drink, seemingly part of some plan but not poisoned, were unloaded and the celebrations began. Polymetus is amongst the prisoners and is currently being entertained by Hans Hansson on his drekkar!
Tikrit. When Wagnimandua heard of the slaying of Brahma she went with her new bodyguard, a mixture of Galatians and Chaldeans, to bring home his body: she swore vengeance on those behind so cowardly a deed.
Brahma’s surviving son Brahcua, a pompous and lecherous dullard, had assumed that he would succeed to his father’s honours, as was the custom.
To his dismay Brahma’s will divided his lands and titles between Brahcua and that upstart Galatian whore. she was to be the Bey of Tikrit, and subject to the agreement of Emperor Angustus, she was to be the Emir of the Tigris Vale, overlord of Arbil, Sinjar, and Mosul as well as Tikrit. The titles were to be vested in Abraham, Wagnimandua’s protector: Brahma had written that he hoped that they would have sons to inherit these titles.
He, Brahcua, was to be but the Sheikh of the Tigris Iranians, a title his stupid father could leave to no one else.
Brahma’s will made all too clear the value he placed on Wagnimandua’s good sense and devotion to justice, and his fear that Brahcua’s devotion to the pleasures of the flesh would leave him no time to attend to any onerous duties.
It is now strongly rumoured in the salons that Brahma’s assassination was organised by Wagnimandua at the behest of Macalix, though it is pointed out that the fact that at least some of the killers were Galatian suggests that the rumour is wrong: she’s far too clever to hire Galatians … unless it is a double bluff to throw us off the scent, … or not.
However, in the market-place the belief is that the killing was organised by the Chaldeans.
Suren has stated that he supported the decision of the late and much lamented Brahma to appoint Wagnimandua to rule in his stead while he is away, and that since Tikrit will be transferred to Chaldean rule once the exact arrangements are finalised, he expects he, Suren, will make the final appointment of the permanent city ruler in consultation, of course.
Page 1207 BRUXELLES.
A bad day for the Bruxellois. Rostiq halted for a day to let stragglers catch up. During the day, whilst the devoted poured copious libations down their parched throats, he climbed from the valley to get a better view of the enemy … and was amused to see a small group of Dacians further south doing the same thing.
Rostiq saw that he outnumbered the raiders by almost 2:1 and worried: he sent scouts to make sure that there were not more lurking in ambush: no more were found.
Scurvius and his advisers estimated the odds at 3:2 but Scurilus pointed out that the Bruxellois had very few cavalry whereas their cavalry amounted to some 40% of their force. He thought that their line would be the longer.
Next day the two armies advanced towards each other and that night camped about a mile apart. At first light on the 3rd there was a mist hanging in the valley as the armies deployed but after a couple of hours or so the mist had been burned off leaving the morning bright and still, excellent weather for a battle, and revealing the following arrays.
Rostiq had placed Parapluix and his peasant Umbrelliacs in the valley bottom, the river protecting their flank on the Gallic right: to their left was Odo and his (socially superior) Umbrelliacs: Rostiq and the levies took the left of the Bruxellois line on the slightly higher ground there. Each of these forces was slightly more than half close order foot, the rest intermediate and open order, except for Parapluix’ peasants who were all in an intermediate order huddle.
BATTLE LINE-UP TO BE ADDED LATER
The Dacian deployment had been beset by arguments, no ruler wishing to see his force split up with some of his men under the control of another princeling … we are all good friends, but not that good!
Scurilus took the left of the Dacian line with Scurvius to his right: Scurvius had Jurassa’s followers as well as his own (yes, she trusts him!) and this left the assorted lesser Dacian leaders and Aardrid as an outflanking force: Skabidol, Detaxoz, and Decaboluz; Wallis and Zurch; and Aardrid were still moving into position.
As the mist cleared from the upper slopes Rostiq had moved forward quickly to take up a good position to charge down the slope onto Scurvius’ still unprotected flank.
As the mist thinned in the valley bottom Scurilus sounded the charge and as his men moved forward those of Parapluix’ men facing him first halted and then with almost one accord turned and fled, Parapluix swept away with them. The rest of Parapluix’ Umbrelliacs turned and joined the rout before Jurassa’s retainers had even started their charge.
Rostiq, seeing this from his vantage point realised that all was lost and ordered his men to cover the Umbrelliacs’ flight: most of them preferred to save their own skins: Odo’s Umbrelliacs retired gracefully and briskly in rout.
On the far left of the Bruxellois line, further up the slope, Chatenier and Wetstard with their few hundred men also left the field, the only Gauls not in flight by midday.
Losses were not, as might have been hoped, few, as the Dacian feudal cavalry pursued vigorously and viciously, believing that they had a score to settle.
Scurilus lost 162 men, Jurassa 29, and Scurvius 115.
Parapluix lost 4378 men, Odo 696, and Rostiq 460.
Odo was amongst the dead.
A bad day for the Dacians. Belisarius, Exorcette, and Kalevard agreed to travel separately at their best speeds and to concentrate at Dijon. Belisarius pushed a handful of fast scouts ahead.
When, by the 17th, many of Kalevard’s men had not reached Dijon, and with his scouts reporting the Dacians fewer than he had feared, Belisarius asked Kalevard and his 5,000 men to go down the left bank of the Marne to prevent the Dacians escaping across the river.
Behind a screen of Breton levy cavalry Belisarius and Exorcette moved briskly towards the Dacians who had rallied from their pursuit of the Bruxellois and were a few miles north of Nancy heading towards Reims.
On the arrival of the Bretons the Dacians concentrated and prepared for battle, entirely unaware of what was behind the Bretons. They found out on the 27th.
The Dacians were no match for the Gallic veterans: fully armoured cavalry and armoured infantry who routed them almost as quickly as they had routed the Bruxellois some three weeks earlier.
The Breton cavalry and a few of Kalevard’s cavalry who had crossed the river pursued them relentlessly and indeed are still hunting for survivors. Few Dacians tried to surrender and even fewer were taken prisoner. Jurassa took poison rather than risk capture.
It is not certain that any of the Dacians or their allies will survive. Belisarius and Exorcette lost about 500 men all told.
RHONE VALLEY.
You may remember that Fabricio with a detachment of a few hundred infantry had been left to bring back half a dozen engines but having been cut off by the Dacians had over-wintered in Davos.
Fabricio, well-liked, courageous and a competent administrator, is the ruler of Clermont Ferrand as well as a divisional general in Cerdic’s army; he revels in war.
In Davos Fabricio told Destrier, who was made Earl of the Upper Danube and Baron of Davos by Cerdic back in 111, that he must return to Gaul to help and asked Destrier to come too. Destrier regretted that his duty was to hold Davos for Cerdic but Fabricio shamed him into “lending” him some of his retainers, some 1,000 cavalry and 2,000 infantry, all Bretons settled locally.
To speed his march Fabricio abandoned the heavy timbers of the engines, taking only the parts critical to rebuilding them. With the cavalry scouting ahead they headed west along the great highway at a brisk pace.
With most of the Dacian warriors already in Gaul, they met no significant opposition, and by the 10th were in Bern where Lygenard, two of whose sons are held as hostages by Scurilus, updated Fabricio on the situation.
Some of the information he gave was inaccurate, though probably not maliciously so.
Fabricio crossed the Rhone and continued his march down its left bank.
On the 23rd he reached the island some 20-30 miles above St Etienne where, the spring floods now abated, the river can be forded with surprising ease.
Here he encountered a patrol of Escarrio’s light infantry who rightly thought that they were too few to oppose his crossing the ford., but shadowed the Gauls whilst reporting back.
Late on the 25th Fabricio reached St Etienne where he resupplied and rested his men for a day. Early on the 27th, believing that forcing the Mende gap would be too hazardous, he set off south harassed by Escarrio’s men though he had the best of the exchanges.
Escarrio and Publius Nitius hold Nimes and its fortified bridge: Fabricio, astonished at the scant opposition he has met to date, is preparing to besiege them: his men are cutting timber to reconstitute his siege engines.
The stalemate at Marseilles continues.
Page 1208 THE CENTRAL PLAIN.
Cerdic pulled his men back behind the now well fortified line of the Loire in the north and of the Allier and Loire in the east.
During the withdrawal Asprix was killed in a skirmish when the patrol he was with was ambushed by Iberians. (A ruthless man of limitless ambition, Asprix became Baron of Andorra in 118 after he killed Menendes and subsequently appointed himself CinC of the Tolosan army after killing Zantacard, the then commander, in Aufield of 120. Courageous, and popular with his men, he was noted for his devotion to war and his dislike of Parapluism.)
The invaders have spent most of Ete looting the now undefended lands of La Rochelle, Limoges, Bourges, and Tours.
They made no attempt to storm La Rochelle or Bourges: Limoges and Tours, both unwalled and largely deserted, were looted and burned.
When the news of the disaster at Nancy reached him Cerdic detached Belisarius with 7,000 infantry, 2,000 paid cavalry and 6,000 Breton levy cavalry, and Exorcette with 3,000 SHC and 1,000 light cavalry, and Kalevard with his paid force of 3,000 cavalry and 2,000 infantry.
THE WESTERN OCEAN.
Villeneuve of Brest set off with his new command at first light on the 1st day of Ete, a brisk north-westerly wind hindering their departure from the Loire Estuary but then speeding them to La Rochelle where they called to pick up the latest intelligence, and to sacrifice for a propitious wind.
“But admiral, this wind from the north-west is fine.”
“From the north-north-west or the north would be better."
Villeneuve knew that his arrival would have been seen by enemy cavalry and guessed that he could not avoid detection in the Garonne Estuary (there is no Gironde in the Known World).
He sailed at dusk on the 4th with a slim crescent of newish moon and with reliable local pilots on his leading ships and carefully screened lights for the others to follow.
By dawn his ships had entered the estuary without mishap: though the marshes were devoid of cavalry patrols he was soon seen. But the wind had veered a point! Enough. The river is notorious for its sandbanks and dangerous currents, but at least the strong spring flow had ended.
When Dagamo learned of the attack time was short but he had rehearsed his plans; his warships drew up in a relatively narrow channel and then, the ships anchored fore and aft and roped to each other, the warriors waited, the crews strengthened with extra men, fire-arrows at the ready.
Six fishing smacks led the attack: fireships, but the Iberians had foreseen this and small rowboats steered them through gaps or onto sandbanks.
They had not foreseen that Villeneuve would sacrifice nine (he was misinformed as to the number of Dagamo’s warships, he had 14) Veneti warships whose minimal crews abandoned them at the last minute.
You would think that the catastrophe of last Aufield at this self-same site would have been warning enough: but no.
There were soon men struggling to put out the fires or leaping overboard, just as Villeneuve had planned: but he had not expected the Portuguese ships to be an immovable wall: with the wind behind them many of his ships were driven into the inferno, though with the wind blowing the flames away from them, his men had more time to escape.
Losses: about half the warriors from lost warships escaped, to the shore for the Portuguese, into following ships for the Gauls.
Dagamo lost 8 of his 14 warships: Villeneuve lost the 9 set on fire deliberately plus another 8 caught in the bonfire. The surviving Gallic warships made their slow and difficult way back against the wind to La Rochelle.
CARTHAGE.
Demiliton.
Elros, A’Rrosee, and Melqart rallied their forces and then moved on Windicta. On arrival outside the city they called for its surrender: Faron himself came out to offer the surrender, and to inform the Motiphators that the criminal Philipo had fled with those few of his men who had survived the great and glorious victory of the Emperor Elros and his noble allies etc etc.
Faron presented Elros with a particularly large and glutinous confection. (There is no truth in the rumour that Elros is taking a diet of bees to reduce his weight.)
Melqart has been made Chief of the Imperial Staff and has been infvested with the Order of the Boiled Sweet. Ugh!
It is rumoured that in the Motiphmas honours list he will be granted a Provincial Governorship.
Small cavalry patrols were pushed as far as Vosmaer and Sanrashtra and down the coast road.
Meanwhile Zaranissa with the Triassic and Baalist forces continued up the coast road to reach the Senastarte junction some 50 miles or so north of Linka on the 26th, cleansing as they went.
It was about then that Zaranissa’s scouts and those of the Motiphators met near Sanrashtra and on the coast: in the subsequent skirmishes the Motiphator scouts were pushed back by the more numerous Baalists.
SLAVONIA.
Buda.
In the election for the post of Chairman and CEO (Chief Executing Officer) of the so recently elected Buda Council the fourteen year old Rheann was unanimously elected after a recount.
She has selected an Administrative Division … herself and three advisers … and informed the other members of the BC that their next full meeting will be held early, well earlyish, in the new year if there is sufficient business to warrant such an upheaval: the AD will manage all day to day business until then. So this was agreed upon.
Drusus accepted the invitation to discuss “a mutually beneficial defensive alliance” and he and Royer and Rheann have agreed that as a first purely defensive step they will send out joint patrols to ensure that all inhabitants of Buda, Baja, Vasvar, Graz, and Vizver understand their duties. They have suggested that Drusus become the CinC of their Confederation Dunarican forces and that his Tuscans form the elite core of these otherwise rather variable forces.
Bellerophon has been reinstated as Prince of Baja and has been provided with half a dozen dedicated personal guards.
The city leaders of this unusual Confederation have agreed to meet in Vizver and have issued an open invitation to all other Slavonian rulers. Rold and Baldog have also been invited.
Page 1209 VIKINGSEAS. Throughout the period of interest there was a moderate and fairly steady wind from the north.
On the 3rd Hrunting’s scoutships reported back: an enemy fleet of about 50 longships. Hrunting immediately prepared 131 longships to be manned by the levy plus 12 which he intended to use as fireships should the wind prove favourable. Blovin had a further 27 fully manned longships. Another 19 beached longships and 36 knarrs anchored close inshore were left behind.
Blovin’s men are experienced in fighting afloat or ashore, but only about a third of the Estonian levy comes from the Seaward Riding; the rest, from the Hunward and Southward Ridings, are mostly without experience of shipboard fighting.
Hrunting and Blovin put to sea from Konigsberg about mid-morning on the 4th, sailing west.
At dawn on the 2nd Bjarni’s fleet of 42 longships had been about 25 miles north of the island (which for convenience I shall call) Bornholm. Once past Bornholm five of his faster ships spread out ahead and to the south, whilst the fleet sailed eastwards with some southerly drift.
All Bjarni’s men are experienced sailors from the islands or Neustadt, and most are well-experienced in shipboard fighting.
On the evening of the 5th Hrunting and Blovin beached for the night just east of the mouth of the Wista: Bjarni was about 80 miles to the north-west.
On the 6th Hrunting and Blovin rowed north-west; Hrunting’s scout ships fanned out ahead of the fleets, also perforce rowing.
Bjarni continued to sail eastwards, close hauled, still with some drift to the south, his scout ships ahead between his fleet and the coast. That evening the scout ships sighted each other and Bjarni learned that he faced an enemy fleet at least twice as big as his.
The two fleets more or less turned towards each other, about 30 miles apart. Hrunting ordered his men to rest and his ships drifted slightly south on their sea-anchors. Bjarni continued under sail.
At first light on the 7th they were still some 10 miles apart. Hrunting and Blovin hastened to get their ships into line, Hrunting in the centre with a close packed double line and with the ships manned by the Hunward and Southward levies untidy on his left. Blovin on the right preferred a single line.
At first Bjarni sailed towards the enemy centre, but when he saw that Blovin’s ships (on his left) were obviously competent, he veered to his left to attack them, guessing that the obviously less competent enemy left flank would be very slow to join the fighting.
The 16 captains from Neustadt were to Bjarni’s right and did not like this plan, fearing that they would end up fighting against 100 or more enemy: they veered to their right to attack the less competent left flank of Hrunting’s line. Hrunting, in the centre, was not attacked.
The battle was a disaster for the levies of the Hunward and Southward Ridings. The Neustadt ships continued under sail and deliberately ran through gaps in the enemy line, smashing into the enemy’s oars and injuring any oarsmen still trying to row. They then lowered their sails and fought a more conventional boarding action.
Although weight of numbers was beginning to tell, by midday over 25 of the ships of Hrunting’s left wing had been taken, any of their crews unable to leap to another ship being dead or swimming.
It was about noon that men of the Hunward Riding saw a chance to light one of the fireships and push it between two of the Neustadt longships. The fire spread rapidly.
In the east Blovin’s 27 longships were attacked by Bjarni’s 28 but increasing numbers of Hrunting’s longships joined in.
It was soon obvious that Hrunting’s men were no match for Bjarni’s and even Blovin’s ex-114ers were hard pressed to hold their own. By noon 8 of Hrunting’s longships, 6 of Blovin’s, and 5 of Bjarni’s had changed hands.
When, an hour or so after noon, the extent of the fire at the western end of the battle became apparent, Blovin and Bjarni and their men stopped fighting and moved together to pick up men who had leapt into the sea to escape the conflagration.
13 of the Neustadt longships and 47 of Hrunting’s were lost to the fire. The Neustadt levy lost about 750 men to fire and fighting: Hrunting lost about 3,000 men, many unable to swim.
In the east Hrunting lost about 500 men, Blovin about 250, and Bjarni about 300.
Bjarni and Blovin, having rescued as many as possible, started to exchange survivors and prisoners. They also shared food and drink and came to a private agreement. They would go to Bornholm to make appropriate sacrifices: Blovin would then return to Valjala and Bjarni to Holbaek: their war was over.
When Hrunting was told of their decision, most of his captains decided that they too would go to Bornholm. The subdued fleets landed on Bornholm late on the 10th, and after sacrificing and feasting, left on the 14th.
VIKINGLANDS. Friederich and Harda Knut continued their march and arrived at Vilna about midday on the 6th. Dredd, Lemminkainen, and Foed learned of the approach of this substantial force late on the 3rd and by the 6th had crossed the Rusne and were fleeing hastening north.
They met but failed to realise the significance of a few Ostragoth scouts, but on the 7th met rather more than 2,000 Ostragoth armoured cavalry. By this time a few hundred of Harda’s medium cavalry were harassing their rear.
Almost 1,000 Latvians were killed: Lemminkainen was amongst the dead: Goth and Jutland losses were little more than 200. The victors rallied from their pursuit in Vilna.
On the 10th a messenger from Loki arrived in Friederich’s camp to offer his congratulations on Friederich’s re-establishment of law and order in Latvia and to confirm Pripyat’s continued support for Friederich and his allies.
Friederich has received the following message:
Noo then Fryedryk,
Aa thowt Aa’d ax whaat are yee deein’ comin’ intiv Viking lands. Aa knaa ye ax’d for Eryk t’ gi yee hee’s cottrills like bu’ ye knaa fine weel tha’ Eryk’s not ower clivvor he’ssell but he’s nee a southern softie.
If yee an’ yon yeps gan hyem, mesell an’ mi marras will too.
Whaat di yee think?
Hrunting.
Page 1210 SASSANIDIA.
Cairo, Gaza, & Said.
In Cairo rumours began to circulate and confused reports reached the new authorities. The Supreme Organiser sent a senior officer to Gaza to seek an explanation of the arrival in Nile of uninvited armies.
Spitames reminded him that they had recently been welcome and that only a generation ago Gaza and Said had been part of Sassania; he went on to explain that he was in Gaza on the orders of the Emperor Angustus and at the request of Prince Ptelnet, the heir to the Sassanidian throne, refusing to countenance the officer’s claim that Stephanus still lived and indeed ruled in Sassanidia.
Whilst waiting in Gaza for Ptelnet to arrive, Spitames had also been contacted by supporters of the old regime in Cairo who told him that the Nile armies were mustering.
They also reminded him that Said had no Bey and indeed had not had a Bey since the assassination of Furates in 117: somehow typical of Sassanidian administration.
Furates of Petra, the 61 year old Bey of Said, loyal, scrupulously honest, popular, and a long-time opponent of the late Aken’fut, was cut down by an assassin’s knife on the 17th of Hexober.
That his assassin escaped must be regarded as unusual, even in these troubled times. He is mourned by several wives and concubines and a large number of children.
It seems that his eldest son had taken over the title but whilst awaiting official confirmation, he was assassinated by one or more of his brothers and that a joint family committee had run the city ever since.
Spitames discussed with Horisis, Ahmose, and Karenen the possibility and advantages of seizing Said with its large natural harbour.
Horisis, lacking relevant orders, refused to countenance such a move and forbad his sub-ordinates to participate.
However, once he had heard and understood Spitames suggestion, Emir Bifuud gave the plan his blessing.
Spitames with the elderly Bifuud rode down the coast road to Said with a brigade of his armoured cavalry and the brigade of Tospades mounted infantry, a brigade of light cavalry scouting ahead as far as the Stephanoid Canal.
Spitames omitted to inform the Said authorities why he had come and the Protectors and Organisers had failed to alert them: his entry to the walled city was unopposed. He took control with virtually no bloodshed. Bifuud, in his capacity of Emir of The North (of Nile Province) held a diwan and after, with some difficulty, hearing the numerous complaints against the late Furates’ family, appointed a distant cousin, Aaroun, as Bey.
Bifuud, feeling his age, then set off back to Gaza with an escort of Spitames’ cavalry. The elderly Bifuud became unwell and increasingly confused on the journey back to Gaza where he is now being nursed by doting grand-daughters and the family physician.
Pure coincidence, of course, but Spitames knew Aaroun’s family rather well when they lived in Petra.
At Spitames’ urging, Aaroun took most of his female cousins as wives (“No, none: some are dire and some risible but the combination doesn’t make desirable”) and arranged for his male cousins to join Spitames’ staff: one or two objected briefly.
In Cairo the news of the [strike]uninvited incursion[strike] invasion, first Gaza and now Said, roused the ire of the Organisers and Protectors, particularly as they know that most of Horisis’ men are peasants from the Nile Province.
The 1st, 11th, 12th, and 13th Protectors readied their 25 30,000 men for the march: these, the 1st (Nile) Army, the Nile Provincial Army, and the Mercenaries, left Cairo 2 days ago.
Ptelnet’s march. Ptelnet reached Kilis without incident and thence crossed the mountains towards Adana. Officers sent ahead reported back: nowhere near enough shipping to be useful so Ptelnet and his men took the road to Tyre where they arrived on the 13th.
In Tyre his officers had managed to hire shipping to transport the armoured cavalry and most of their horses: the light and medium cavalry continued on down the coast road at a good speed with the now unarmoured horses: indeed they were able to keep up with the ships which, cautiously, refrained from sailing by night.
On the 21st they all reached Haifa; the authorities there warned that facilities for disembarking at Gaza were limited so the armoured cavalry disembarked in Haifa and the whole force continued down the coast road, leaving Haifa at midday on the 22nd.
They reached Gaza on the 29th and have had a welcome day’s rest.
Ptelnet paid his respects to the ailing Bifuud and has conferred with his son Bifuad.
West Nile.
In view of anxieties about the situation in Said and Gaza the death of Ar Magrevs was brought forward but the deaths of Ar Mergevs and of Ar Diotr have been postponed. One assumes that they will be pleased.
Nubia. Mustasha the Younger informed the envoy from the P&O that he would consult his aides and give him a reply as soon as possible but that in the meanwhile he wished to offer the envoy and his retinue all comfort and courtesy.
The envoy, the 21st Protector, brusquely replied that that was not good enough. He offered Mustasha “…a simple choice: agree to our terms now or leave immediately. I am leaving and when I return it will be with my army. Order will be restored!”
Sahure’s march. I know he isn’t in Sassanidia! He may be going there.
Sahure and his long column of wagons and several thousand infantry crossed the Kimil at Gerze a few days ago. His van should reach Trabzon soon, but the rear of the great column is probably a week from the city.
HUNLAND.
All quiet on the Don.
The odd stalemate continued, with the Volgans in Mekha fearful of trying to leave, and with the Siberians on the right (ie south at Volsk) bank of the Don patrolling anxiously and guarding any possible crossing points. Seg’s Byelohuns trained, hunted, and waited patiently, their camps ringing Mekha. Supplies have been brought in to Mekha without let or hindrance.
On the 12th of Ete Honoria informed Seg that her agents friends had observed Tenapin ap Orlin, whose camps are east of Mekha, conferring with known Siberian agents on two occasions, and that on the second occasion Volgans were present. She again urged Seg to caution, and listed his potential enemies: Tenapin with almost 20,000 followers; Galgyn and Gwalchai with almost 15,000 Volgans, and Ghengis with 15-20,000 Siberians.
“Yes dear, but they cannot rely on the Urohuns in their levies, and surely we have about 50,000 even not counting Tenapin.”
“Oh yes, and how many of Subedai’s men would fight against Tenapin? I’ld rather trust that Senha ap Gryp that you’ve had under yurt arrest for so long … yes, I know he is well treated and all that; I’ld trust him though, rather than that Tenapin.”
“Yes dear.” |